It’s two years since the memorable #EndSARS movement which youth had taken to the streets across the country in peaceful marches to protest the constant harassment, killings, and extortion by police officers. After several days, and a hijack of the protests by hoodlums and petty criminals, Nigerian Army troops and armed police officers assaulted peaceful youths massed at the toll plaza, firing teargas and bullets. When the smoke cleared, several persons had died, others injured, and left citizens traumatised. The heroes and martyrs of that brave movement should never be forgotten with Lagos as its epicentre, protests spread to many cities across the country.
The trauma has not ended; precise figures of the casualties in the protests, the cataclysmic denouement in Lekki on October 20, 2020, and the violent riots it provoked, are disputed. But several persons died; civilians were mowed down in Lekki and other places. Police also suffered casualties as criminals capitalising on national and global outrage, attacked police stations, prisons, public and private buildings, and murdered police officers.
Spirited attempts have been made by the Buhari regime and the ruling party to criminalise the youth and the protests, play down the casualties, and cover up the brutal official response. They have failed, largely because of extensive coverage by mainstream domestic and international media.
Liberty, fundamental freedoms, right to justice, accountability by public officers and enjoyment of democracy and good governance are never given on a platter; citizens must constantly insist on them through all lawful actions.
UN’s Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights declares that everyone has the right to peaceful assembly, including sit-ins, strikes, rallies and protests, both offline and online. The Open Society Foundations, an NGO, says, “Protests are a catalyst for social change, and are essential for citizen participation in a pluralistic democracy.”
Unfortunately, Buhari and regime operatives are unfamiliar with the dictates of democracy. Their response to protests has been repression, and a strong aversion to the mass media.
After violently suppressing the protests, the authorities eventually agreed to some of the demands, including the dissolution of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, the notorious police outfit responsible for uncountable atrocities against Nigerians, especially the youth, and better welfare and pay for police. It also agreed to judicial panels of inquiry in each state to unravel the crisis.
But it has left other things undone: it has failed to truly reform the police; it has not undertaken a sweeping punishment of the SARS officers save for a handful being prosecuted. And while some states like Lagos, Ekiti have compensated the families of slain police officers, the families of the civilian victims killed, or others who were brutalised during the protests have been ignored.
The hijack of the protests and the government’s high-handed response cost the country dearly. About 22 police officers were killed by hoodlums. Buhari said 69 persons died: 51 civilians, 11 police officers and seven soldiers. Figures of the Lekki killings remain controversial. While eyewitnesses and major global media gave figures ranging from 11 to 30 dead, the Lagos judicial panel said nine persons died out of 46 unarmed protesters shot. But even this was disputed by the state government, which insisted that no one died at Lekki.
The battle is far from over. Though SARS is officially disbanded, after only a few weeks of restraint, police officers across the country promptly resumed their oppressive, extortionist and violent ways. Sulking at the protests, some police officers have become even more vicious. In fairness, often, those exposed and reported to the authorities are disciplined and some dismissed. But the problem is pervasive and systemic. The force requires total overhaul.
